2016년 5월 23일 월요일

David Joselit, Near Contact (2016)

펠로우쉽에서 커먼프랙티스라는 팀을 알게 됐고(사실 예전에 듣긴 했는데 듣고 바로 까먹었다) 검색해보니 최근 이런 세미나를 개최한 것 같다. 조슬릿이 글을 썼네! 보기가 불편해서 조슬릿 글을 발췌해 블로그로 옮긴다. 오..주옥같다.

Following the 2008 financial crisis, the slogan “Too big to fail” gained wide currency in the United States. Despite its urgency, this phrase was nothing new. It was merely the latest iteration of a principle as old as capitalism itself: “Grow or die.” Nonetheless, “Too big to fail” neatly summarized a set of values that often go unchallenged in the context of art. It contended that a bank (or any other kind of corporation of comparable magnitude) is so fully integrated in the national economy that its collapse will lead to systemic crisis. More insidiously, “Too big to fail” implicitly asserted the public good of capitalism, which when having attained a scale at which it is “too big to fail,” must receive public funds. A certain equation is at work here: BIG=PUBLIC.

The risks of bigness in finance, as when ordinary home mortgages are packaged and repackaged so many times that their potential “toxicity” is buried within countless layers of securitization, is occluded by a fuzzy sense of public good (i.e., making mortgages more widely available; stimulating the economy) without acknowledging wildly disproportionate benefits to the 1%. With the exception of Occupy, there has been little serious acknowledgement that, in fact, BIG=PRIVATE when it comes to the profits reaped from businesses that are “too big to fail.” On the contrary, as demonstrated by the bailout of General Motors, our leaders act on the possibly cynical presumption that BIG=PUBLIC.

There is a converse dynamic when it comes to small institutions. If some enterprises are “too big to fail,” others are presumably “too small to survive.” Why do they refuse to grow? If growth is necessary for success, staying the same size means you are destined to disappear.

When it comes to art institutions, “bigness” is measured not simply by dollars but also by collection, and attendance. The Metropolitan Museum of Art and the Museum of Modern Art ranked third and thirteenth respectively on the Art Newspaper’s 2013 global survey of museum attendance—their contribution to New York’s tourist revenue is significant, but does this enhance or detract from their status as public institutions? They seem to conform to the equation, BIG=PUBLIC, since a large number of people visit their galleries. But if “public” describes access rather than gross audience numbers then these large museums have failed us on two grounds. First, there is shockingly limited access to the collections that our tax dollars directly or indirectly help to acquire. Based on information on their website, it seems that MoMA exhibits something like 1% of their collection at any one time.1 And yet, unlike the New York Public Library, where patrons may request virtually anything in the stacks, the right to view this 99% of our “public” artistic heritage is extremely difficult to obtain, even for scholars.2 There are certainly legitimate practical concerns and expenses in moving art out of storage and into public view, and yet, how can an institution that functions like a bank, hoarding its assets, be credited as genuinely public—like a library? Shouldn’t there be more serious innovation around genuinely accessible “open storage” that would allow for wider enjoyment and study of what is held in New York’s great museum collections? And second, with the exception of the Metropolitan Museum, which requests a recommended donation, our big museums are so prohibitively expensive as to prevent many citizens from entering (outside of the short and oppressively crowded weekly free hours). The newly reopened Whitney Museum charges $22 admission, which is over two times minimum wage in New York. Do we really believe that a “diverse” audience is desired when admission is a quarter day’s pay for many New Yorkers (including presumably many artists and art handlers), and when the target audience is visitors to the Highline (which is free), many if not most of whom are presumably tourists? In explaining the Whitney’s decision to raise its admission price from $20 to $22, Director Adam D. Weinberg (inadvertently) gave a brilliantly concise definition of how his institution defines the public, in a comment to the New York Times: “There was some debate internally, he said, about raising the price to $25, the cost of the Guggenheim and the Museum of Modern Art. But he argued for $22, partly in recognition of the public spirit that fueled the city’s $57 million contribution to the project.”3 In other words, the Whitney’s obligation to the public vis-à-vis its cost of entry is to provide middle class visitors the extra cash to buy a Starbucks coffee.

On the other hand, the institutions included in Common Practice New York (and all the other small arts organizations in this city and cities around the world) are often considered elitist, and therefore not deserving of significant public funding—or even the insignificant public funds that remains for the arts.

Here then are the official assumptions with regard to the question of scale and the public good: BIG (capitalization of finance or audience)=PUBLIC. SMALL (capitalization of finance or audience)=ELITIST.

But in fact this equation inverts the actual situation. It is the “public” (too big to fail) that disproportionately benefits elites, whereas it is the “elitist” (too small to survive) that serves communities in ways that other, larger organizations cannot. Might this ideological inversion be just as insidious and frightening as it sounds? Is it possible that artists in New York City are not only supposed to decorate the salons of hedge fund managers—and thus be implicated in financial elitism—while also taking the rap for intellectual elitism through their lively participation in specialized art discourse?

The term critique is tossed around as though it were a grenade with its needle pulled. But where does “critique” inhere? In my view, it is generally ineffectual in individual works of art, whose transgression can be easily neutralized in the halls of BIG. No, our political challenge is to maintain alternate forms of public space for exhibition and debate. To do so, we must exit the ethos of “Too big to fail.” What follows is a seven-point litany “in praise of small.”

ONE The Institution Is a Proposition

One of the great inventions of conceptual art was its redefinition of the artwork as a proposition. This meant, as Lawrence Weiner famously declared, that whether or not a work of art were physically produced, and in what form, does not matter at all. On the contrary, what does matter is the capacity of the proposition, as a kind of “germinal force,” to generate many possible forms. It is no coincidence that the rise of “alternative spaces” corresponds historically to that of conceptual art, since such institutions are themselves propositions. A.I.R. gallery, for example, was founded in 1972 in response to a proposition that might be phrased something like this: “There are important women artists working in New York City and beyond, but there is no space for them to exhibit and develop a common conversation in the art world as it is currently organized, a space that A.I.R. plans on providing.”

These propositions should be a strong and precise version of the conventional mission statement (which too often pertains to programmatic content but not the institution’s form itself). The exigencies of survival can make it very difficult to maintain an institutional proposition. For that reason, proposition-based institutions (which are typically but not always on the smaller side) must continually evaluate both the validity of their proposition and the degree to which it is realized effectively. Importantly, it should be recognized that sometimes the usefulness and energy of a proposition may wane. In such cases, a perfectly legitimate solution would be terminating the institution.

TWO Produce Networks, Not Audiences

The term community is habitually misused. Too often it designates little more than a market niche based on shared identity markers, such as the “gay community,” the “black community,” or the “Jewish community.” When institutions say they serve “communities,” what they wish to prove is that their audience possesses a demographic diversity that warrants public approbation. There’s nothing wrong with this, of course—even much that is right. But such communities act like an audience (composed of isolated witness-consumers) as opposed to a public, which is united around a shared set of concerns.4

If an institution succeeds as a proposition, the public (as opposed to community) it constitutes will include those that hold the value of that proposition in common. This commonness of purpose is premised on a dynamic set of relationships rather than a supposedly stable shared identity. For this reason, propositions may generate networks—defined as a constellation of relationships—which need not be geographically restricted to the physical location of the institution.

I would argue that such networks are the most important product of many small institutions. As a market, the art world is thriving, but the entire world of artists who may or may not make commercially viable art is under threat in New York City and elsewhere, precisely through forms of gentrification that make it difficult for them to live and find workspace affordably. Now it is collectors, not artists, who tend to live in lofts, and those arts institutions that cannot afford big new buildings like the Whitney’s Renzo Piano-designed headquarters at the end of the Highline (funded, of course, by collector-trustees who expect their tastes to be exhibited) must struggle to find spaces close to public transportation anywhere in the five boroughs. What is needed is not merely the ostensible product of art spaces and museums—more exhibitions and performances to bring in the crowds—but rather more publics, more networks. This is what small arts organizations focused around a proposition can produce—in part because instead of trying to attract a mosaic of communities, they wish to constitute a dedicated public. Without such organizations New York’s art world will cease to be dynamic and alive—it will become just another distracting circus, another sanitized spectacular Broadway drawing in tourists at exorbitant prices.

THREE Size Matters

I have already claimed that capitalist values insist that “bigger is better,” making it very difficult to justify an institution’s choice to stay small. One of the greatest dangers of “Bigger is better” is that an institution may be overcome by the exigencies of survival: of keeping the lights on and the program going in a “bigger and better” space. Suddenly the need might be felt to attract a broader audience, and in so doing the values of programming must be “adjusted” in order to appeal to such an audience. Before you know it, the proposition that generated the institution is secondary to the pressure to fill space and to meet expanded budgets.

For this reason, the question of infrastructure should be pursued creatively. What kinds of facilities are necessary, and afford maximum freedom? How can they be shared with other institutions? How can they be seized upon opportunistically, either in public or through other means? Is it necessary to have a permanent site, or to own one? What is the optimal ratio between virtual and physical space? Thinking about infrastructure creatively also allows for thinking about “crossprogramming”: for instance, can or should an exhibition space also have a bar where people can meet informally and socialize? Must white boxes be separated from “black boxes,” resulting in media as isolated from one another as different demographic groups have become in the city? The point is: infrastructure has a more determining role on an institution than is often assumed. Infrastructure is not passive: it is a physical proposition. Its design and assessment should be taken as part of the creative work of the institution.

FOUR Resignify Art

Regardless of all else it is, art is a tool of gentrification. In New York City it is painfully clear that the widening gap between rich and poor is beautified by the art world’s glamour and its paradoxical whiff of populism—a sense of public-ness, which, as I’ve argued, is very difficult to sustain in actuality. What should the responsibility of art institutions be at a time when the verb to curate has migrated from the context of museums to describe, for instance, the choice of amenities in a luxury real estate development, or the selection of artisanal cheeses? In this context to curate belongs to a long line of ideological practices for producing distinction. Do those of us involved in “curating” (artists, critics, art historians, institutional curators, engaged patrons) need to assume responsibility for this massive appropriation of “art” as a tool for prettifying the dominance of the 1%?

Yes, I think so, but the problem is complex. What goes for politics in art is often little more than a good faith effort at preaching to the converted—and indeed in recent years it has typically soft-pedaled any direct critique of the patron class. Conversely, the small proportion of artists who do manage to earn a living from their work, whether politicized or otherwise, risk being considered sell-outs. There are no simple answers in response to these conditions, and this is why we need proposition-based institutions where debates around them can develop with nuance and over time. Here, different models may be tested and evaluated. Indeed, like conceptual artists, such conceptual institutions redefine what art practice can be: they participate in the resignification of art by confronting its discursive corruption through gentrification and huge wealth disequilibrium. The bigger an institution in the United States becomes, the more it is imbricated in the values and objectives of its patrons—just as in politics, where out-of-control super PACs have outsize influence in American elections. Needless to say, smaller arts organizations cannot solve these problems, but they can keep them on the agenda. It is an endless process, an endless discussion. But a sure way to kill this debate is allowing the disappearance of public spaces in which it may flourish.

FIVE Speculate

In its colloquial sense, speculation is a future oriented method of extracting profit from volatile markets. It is also a term with rich philosophical overtones, whose Latin roots encompass the meanings, “to spy out, watch, examine, observe.” In other words, speculation is an optical model as well as an economic and philosophical one. What distinguishes speculation is its futurity; in art’s context, it is a type of vision that aims to foresee, even to regulate how an artwork will behave once it enters the world.

A proposition is also a speculation on its own future. As its prefix suggests, the proposition takes a position forward into the future, opening onto various formats, actual and virtual. It is worth remembering that art’s time signature is distinctive, and largely unsuited to direct engagement in political and economic events in real time. The artwork’s temporality enfolds a long succession of pasts into its speculations in the present, which, in turn, are directed toward possible futures. The artwork is a temporal knot. Its deregulation of commodified time (measured in hours in the factory; in micro- or even milli-seconds in high-frequency trading) is precisely its philosophical and affective value.

Speculation refuses the false dichotomy established by some historians and critics between a withdrawal and surrender to capitalism—or, in other words, between resistance and selling out. This is because, while speculation is based on engagement, it refuses to engage with the conditions of the present as they are, but rather projects an array of possible futures. In other words, the speculative object (or institution) extracts itself from political exigencies by extending them backwards and forwards in time, and outward in space. Speculation makes an object out of time.

SIX Document

Conceptual art demonstrates the plasticity of information. The term plastic encompasses three registers: a now obsolete designation of sculpture, for instance, as a “plastic” art; the malleability and mold-ability of plastic as a material, including its capacity to be recycled; and the biological meaning of plasticity as a capacity for adaptation. Conceptual art demonstrates how new types of value may be produced by configuring and reconfiguring information. Art is one realm in which information is theorized, but unlike in advertising, or even in science, art’s attention to informational plasticity is seldom primarily geared to practical ends.

The legacy of proposition-based institutions is in their history—in the succession of different realizations of their proposition. Because such results are ephemeral, and rarely reside in any stable way in single objects that may be collected and maintained, documentation is essential. One might say that documentation is the collection of such organizations. Think of the Judson Church for instance. The events that took place there during the 1960s and 1970s have come to occupy a central position in twentieth-century art history, and yet they are known only very partially, largely through a limited number of documentary photographs.

Documentation should not be an afterthought, but rather an essential component of the proposition itself. If there is any truth to the assertion that art, since Conceptualism, has largely dedicated itself to the plasticity of information, then there is little reason to treat “documentation” any differently from other forms of creative expression. Indeed, documentation is one of very few products that may outlive a non-collecting institution’s program of events and exhibitions. It should be devised creatively, and remain at the center of its propositionally based mission. Documentation is and can be more than installation photos or a video recording. The question What is a document is one that many artists have explored, in order to test the limits and contours of “truth effects.” It is through documentation that institutions can speculate on history.

SEVEN Politicize

Information The struggle over information as property, and the corresponding struggle over information as a commons where individuals and groups have overlapping rights of access, as opposed to exclusive rights of ownership, are among the central political questions of our time.5 The list of examples of such conflict is long, and ranges from questions of international policy such as Edward Snowden’s disclosures regarding the NSA, to the very intimate and personal threat of identity theft. What rights do we have to prevent the “harvesting” and subsequent monetization of “our” information every time we use a credit card or turn on our cell phones—or enter a hospital for treatment? Information radiates out from our bodies, as it invades their interiors: our “selves” are the provisional and artificial construction of a contingent ratio between the alienable and the inalienable—or in other words between the information drawn from us that may be bought and sold (i.e., alienable), versus that which cannot circulate separately from us without destroying our personhood (the inalienable). Art, in its capacity to explore and express the plasticity of information, and in its ability to speculate on new forms of information, can probe this shifting terrain. While large institutions canonize—i.e., turn information into history—small arts organizations may pluralize its shapes (as in all species of conceptual art), as well as the stories it can tell. To make information malleable and mobile again in unexpected ways, and to resist its enclosure by elites and its reification into dominant narratives is to make art political.

Endnotes

1 My research assistant Joseph Henry made this rough calculation based on comparing the number of works stated as on view on MoMA’s website with their stated number of objects in the collection (excluding films and film stills). At the time of his calculation the percentage on view was less than 0.68%–1%. Of course, I acknowledge that the number can’t be absolutely verified without more careful research (though Henry sought confirmation), but it gives an accurate sense of the magni - tudes involved. Interestingly it is not only the 1% who funds museums; MoMA also shows 1% of their art.

2 Incidentally, it is impossible to bring a group of students to MoMA (who have paid admission) and speak to them in the galleries without getting a special permit.

3 Robin Pogrebin, “Whitney Museum Contemplates a Bigger Future, With Bigger Expenses,” New York Times, April 1, 2015; accessed online http://www.nytimes. com/2015/04/02/arts/design/ whitney-museum-contem - plates-a-bigger-future-witha-higher-admission-fee.html, 6/28/15

4 See Martha Rosler, “The Birth and Death of the Viewer: On the Public Function of Art,” in Hal Foster, ed., Discussions in Contemporary Culture #1 (Seattle: Bay Press, 1987)

5 For a definition of the commons in light of rights to use see Lewis Hyde, Common as Air: Revolution, Art, and Ownership (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2010)

source: http://commonpracticeny.org/assets/CPNY_NearContact_2016.pdf

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